Jokowi basuki what makes you beautiful lyrics

Two thumbs up to Mr. It proves that even foreigners are concerned with the development progress in DKI Jakarta. How about DKI citizens who are still not sure who to vote for…. So cool! A very great addition to Jokowi-Ahok supporting squad. Positive and Creative campaign, I totally support that! Nice, well done! Dean Mathew. Comments from Kaskus : Dray Whuahuahuha… the things bule do these days… so awesome.

KomandanKaskus: Cool, boss. Pindhoe: So cool, boss. DanangNarchs: So cool, even a bule supports Jokowi. Comments from YouTube : Susan flores: Hahahaha this is really cool!!!!!! Ricardokaka In my life I have never seen any video with likes, but 0 dislike…a miracle. The opposing team did not know about this in advance, neither did many of the journalists covering the campaign events. This being said, it was of course made sure, that enough press, especially TV, was gathered in the right places to get good shots of what was going on.

The event immediately went viral over the web, and TV stations broadcasted it over and over again for the whole day. As if to provide a final counter evidence supporters of Fauzi Bowo and Nachrowi Ramli went around distributing flyers with anti-Chinese hate speeches directed against Basuki right at the same time and place in the less crowded background of the photograph to the left.

Loosing the entire Chinese vote of the first election round to Jokowi-Basuki came as a shock to the team of Fauzi and Nara. Despite their aggressive anti-Chinese rhetoric no one had expected this. At least the rich and influential Chinese business community had been expected to be on the side of Fauzi Bowo.

Despite this defeat the anti-Chinese mobilisation grew even more aggressive in the second election round, as it was a crucial element to their dominant campaign strategy: the intensification of negative and black campaigning in order to weaken the enormously positive image of Jokowi and Basuki. This type of campaigning was mostly aimed at a rather poor and uneducated Muslim electorate and based on widespread anti-Chinese stereotypes such as the corrupt and rich Chinese entrepreneur.

This was paired with a radical Islamic demand not to accept a non-Muslim leader. This approach certainly needs to be regarded as a tool in the face of lacking alternatives. Five years earlier during his first election into office Fauzi Bowo himself campaigned on an open and pluralist platform in order to counter his only rival — a Muslim hardliner. In this context it also needs to be seen that the educated Chinese community of Jakarta was expected to dismiss this black campaigning as mere election rhetoric and not perceive it as a real threat.

Accordingly, in this picture you see Fauzi Bowo on one of the last nights of campaigning before the final and determining election: He speaks in front of several hundred rich Chinese Indonesians assembled in a luxury Chinese club in the Chinese-dominated area of Glodok. He stands at a distance of about 50 m even to the first row, alone, on a huge and empty stage.

Of course the citizens of Jakarta did not solely get soaked up in campaign activities for one candidate or another. The three examples in the photographs from Central Jakarta read:. The third example is difficult to interpret correctly as it contains several double meanings.

It was not included in a digital street art catalogue along with the other pictures. Quite likely this is because both depicted figures wear traditional Betawi clothing and the traditional Muslim headcover peci , the figure to the left has some resemblance with Fauzi Bowo. Both symbolism and text contain references to Satan. The combination of these details seems rather radical and not quite in line with the ambition of the project to use art as an educational tool against the negative excesses of the campaigns.

Serrum — an art forum dedicated to use art as educational tool and main organiser of this street art campaign — kindly sent us their digital catalogue containing the remaining street art pieces. Now you can view the pdf document here:. In the following campaign videos you can get a final impression of how contrasting the approaches towards these two campaigns really were.

The song was already highly popular in Jakarta at the time of the campaign. Cameo Project then rewrote the lyrics to tell about the problems of Jakarta and their hope in the candidates Jokowi and Basuki to overcome these. The music video depicts the narrative of the song. The story goes that the band had done this voluntarily and on their own initiative. Only after the song had become famous the campaign team started to officially use it for their purposes.

This version of the YouTube video features English subtitles, which underlines that it was even successful enough to obtain some international interest. You can also read both the Indonesian lyrics and their English translation here:. It is the same song that was used for the flashmob performed by about 3. Again, the most widely spread campaign videos of Fauzi Bowo and Nachowi Ramli revealed a quite different picture.

All exactly one minute long, they were designed as costly TV spots, not as low-cost social media virus. As mentioned earlier on, in the first of those two videos you mostly see scenes skillfully cut together from the largest campaign event of the first election round in order to create the impression of large crowds of supporters.

However, both videos are generally rather similar in terms of music and imagery: they both contain passages where the Fauzi is speaking in a soft and friendly voice; they both contain references towards Allah in the song lyrics; they both contain images of a united Jakarta population living happily together and celebrating their candidates Fauzi and Nara.

These videos were specifically designed to counter the negative image of Fauzi Bowo as an arrogant, distant and stiff person, short tempered, impatient, unfriendly and rarely smiling. Ironically, their professional outlook might have partly worked against their very purpose, if you compare them with another campaign video by Jokowi-Basuki.

In Bukan Putera Dewa Not the Son of a God both the lyrics and the imagery portray Jokowi with the humbleness and unpretentiousness, he is famous for. The technically much less sophisticated filming and cutting techniques actually underscore the message meant to be send.

By now you might have wondered what all of this costs. These legally required budget reports only need to cover the two-weeks official campaign phase during the first election round. The law does not explicitly require a campaign budget report for the second election round. Hence, these figures cover about two weeks of legal campaign expenses for each team. They both do not include any expenses during the months leading up to this short official campaign phase directly ahead of the election on 11th July — let alone for the more than two months to follow before the second election on 20th September.

Moreover, these figures only cover expenses directly related to campaign activities such as stage events, face-to-face campaigning, TV debates or campaign material advertisements in print media, TV and radio, posters, stickers, shirts etc.

They do not cover any service -related expenses, such as payments for any of the dozens of official campaign team members involved full-time for several months, or the expensive services provided by the numerous political consulting and survey companies in the field. Now, what do these two election campaigns and their results tell us about the state and the future of Indonesian politics? The fact that Fauzi-Nara still obtained Candidates even go as far to try to portray themselves as the Jokowi of regency X or Y.

The Indonesian term merakyat to mingle with the common people has almost become synonymous with him. His own and even rival parties, who had been attacking him until recently, now slowly open up to the idea of nominating him as their presidential candidate. At the moment it merely seems a matter of strategic timing when his candidacy will be announced. If he succeeds to transform his campaign style into realpolitik , of course, is another matter and needs to be discussed elsewhere.

These videos included original songs and productions and parodies of popular music videos, attracting millions of viewers. Following the success of this video, when Jokowi ran for the presidency in his supporters produced several more like it. Both songs used pop to create a catchy way for voters to remember which box to check on the electoral ballot. Dangdut in Gerindra campaign - www.

It featured himself and contestants from the popular television reality program, Indonesian Idol , where Dhani was one of the judges. The music video was met with controversy, not only because Dhani did not seek copyright permission from the writer of the song, Brian May of Queen, but because he and other musicians featured in the video, wore Nazi-style uniforms.

The use of musical performances during elections is not new. Music was regularly used in campaigning in the New Order period when there were only three political parties. All three parties, including PPP, the only Islamic political party, used musical performances, dangdut in particular, to attract audiences to their public speeches.

The power of dangdut was such that the New Order government banned a performance by Rhoma Irama, who supported PPP in and general elections, from TV and radio. Rhoma Irama would later align himself with various Islamic political parties including PKB ahead of the elections and in July he announced that he had established his own party, the Peaceful and Benign Islam Idaman party.

In the post-New Order period, politicians have clearly been more aware of the allure of musical performances. The difference between the New Order and post-New Order periods is in the varieties of musical genre the politicians have used in their campaigns. In , Prabowo Subianto likewise attended the final episode of Indonesian Idol.

He became a guest judge instead, which led to one of the more memorable moments in the campaign, where he appeared on stage with the winner, Papuan Nowela Elizabeth Aupray, wearing a traditional Papuan head dress.